Sheikh Mujibur Rahman entered politics in 1939, at the age of 19. At that time, he was an ordinary worker of the Muslim League and, in that sense, the Muslim Chhatra League. Although he was a staunch Pakistan demand, his mindset was secular. Being a member of the Suhrawardy-Abul Hashim faction, he nurtured a non-communal consciousness and the idea of ​​a just society. When he was preparing to leave his field of study in Calcutta after partition and come to Dhaka, Suhrawardy advised him, ‘Look, there should be no communal incidents there. Then the Muslims of India will be in danger. ‘Sheikh Mujib did not hesitate to say that. Despite the mistreatment of the Muslim League leaders in East Bengal by his political guru Suhrawardy, he did not agree to do anything against the Muslim League. So, although he was enthusiastic about the establishment of the Democratic Juba League from the beginning, in the end, he opposed them.

The misrule of the Muslim League and their wrongdoing on the question of the state language made Sheikh Mujib their opponent. He left the pro-government student organization and started his role in establishing the East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League. Provincial autonomy, a significant demand of the Muslim League, was forgotten by the Muslim League after Pakistan’s establishment. Sheikh Mujib gave priority to this demand in his politics. The second issue was the role of religion in politics. No matter what Jinnah said, his successors wanted to bring faith to the center of state life without seeing it as a private matter. Sheikh Mujib, from the beginning, wanted to keep the field of religion and state separate. Just as he was active in abolishing the word “Muslim” from the names of Chhatra League and Awami League in 1955, he explicitly opposed the declaration of Pakistan as an Islamic republic in the Constituent Assembly, the first constitution of Pakistan, insisting on provincial autonomy. Let me know.

Mujib was considered a leader in those days. He was the Awami Muslim League’s general secretary in 1953 — although he had leaders like Maulana Bhasani and Suhrawardy over his head. After leaving the Awami League in 1958, Bhasani formed the National Awami Party, and Suhrawardy died in 1973. Then Mujib was everything in his team.

However, as we know, Sheikh Mujib publicly presented a six-point program in 1978. Since then, realizing these six points has been the primary goal of his political life. Repeatedly throwing him in jail, even making him the number one accused in the Agartala conspiracy case, the authorities could not distract him. He was also ready to die. As the country’s people realized, Sheikh Mujib became their undisputed leader — Bangabandhu, despite having more senior politicians. That is why the people stood for him in the election of 1970, so a peaceful non-cooperation movement could be conducted in March 1971 at his fingertips. After Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela, Bangabandhu was the only politician in the world who successfully turned the non-cooperation movement into a political tool.

Then his speech on March 7

A memorable lesson in human history. Whatever the interpretation of this speech, its gist was expressed in two heart-wrenching sentences: ‘This time the struggle is for our liberation. This time the struggle is for freedom. ‘None of the enemies made a mistake in understanding its significance. When the time came, the country’s people jumped into the war of liberation by betting everything. Bangabandhu is absent from the scene, yet the action has been waged in his name. He was not in sight, yet in every moment, we realized His existence. I felt his presence. Then he came. He took charge of running the war-torn country. Reconstruction and rehabilitation, the gift of a democratic constitution within a year, general elections within sixteen months. Joining the Non-Aligned Movement, gaining Pakistan’s recognition for Bangladesh with other countries, earning membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference, gaining membership in the United Nations, and giving Bengal speeches there are all his achievements.

But the war of liberation changed the country. Weapons spread, most of the people who were ready to sacrifice in 1971 were now anxious to get something. The establishment of the National Guard caused more discontent than success in bringing peace. The famine caused by the conspiracy of the United States in 1984 became a nightmare for the nation. Bangabandhu’s separation from Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed during the war of liberation was not encouraging for the country. The Fourth Amendment in 1975 also changed the basic structure of the Constitution of Bangladesh. Taking advantage of this situation and Bangabandhu’s unwavering confidence in the country’s people, the traitorous assassins brutally killed him along with all the members of his family present. Not only his murder but how he was buried was also a disgrace to the nation. March 7 speech: A memorable speech in human history. Whatever the interpretation of this speech, its essence was expressed in two heart-wrenching sentences: ‘This time the struggle is for our liberation. This time the struggle is for freedom. But that is not the end of Bangabandhu. Coming out of the tomb of Tungipara, he has spread all over Bangladesh. He is the architect of Bangladesh. The material achievements of Bangladesh are praised across the globe today. Only then will Bangabandhu’s golden Bengal be established. His lifelong struggle in this work will inspire us at every moment.

This time the struggle is for liberation.

Today the people of Bengal want liberation — they want to live. They want to get it right. In the election, you have ultimately won the Awami League and me by voting for the constitution. The hope was that the National Assembly would sit, we would make a constitution, and in this constitution, people would get their economic, political, and cultural emancipation. But the history of 23 years is the history of painting the highways with the blood of the people of Bengal. The history of 23 years is the history of Bengal people’s dying cries, the tragic history of blood donation. A history of the cries of oppressed people. We donated blood in 1952. Despite winning the elections in 1954, he could not come to power. Ayub Khan imposed military rule in the country in 1956 and kept us as slaves for ten years. In 1966, six points were given, and then many of my brothers were killed for this crime. Weapons were used against the unarmed people of Bengal. We do not have weapons in our hands. But the gun that we bought with the money to protect the country from external enemies today is being used to kill innocent people. Shots are being fired at my sad people. My request is to form a struggle committee under the leadership of Awami League in every village, mahalla, and union. When I have given blood, I will provide more blood. Inshallah, I will release the people of this country. This time the struggle is for liberation. This time the work is for freedom.